Posted by lynn in What we do | 2 comments
10 years of armed intervention, a necessary EGP assessment
When withdrawing its troops from Afghanistan in the course of 2011, the international community will close over a decade of armed interventions. An assessment of those is of the utmost relevance, not only on the national level but on the European level as well, because in the course of this year the EU’s Rapid Reaction Force will be discussed in the European Parliament, and un November a new NATO plan is due.
That assessment is at the core of one of the Supporters’ Network’s new projects. Currently we are thinking of the best way to tackle the issue – here you find a draft proposal. However, we are -very much- interested in your feedback, which will be used as input for a workable agenda containing a background document, discussions, debates, opinion articles in the press and a final report that will be offered to our EGP board and the Green Group in the European Parliament. Do’nt hesitate to let us know what you miss, what emphasise you would prefer, what issues must be added, or left out – ehither by leaving a comment or by mailing to inti.suarez@gmail.com.


Sending people to war or to “military interactions”, as you say, requires the utmost care in reflection and decision-making. War should never be anything else than an “ultima ratio” in a situation in which your own population or an ally is attacked, or in which there is an ongoing genocide somewhere else. The reason is that a war in itself usually causes too many casualties and human rights abuse to be justified without a most serious reason. If you don’t believe it, please watch Samuel Maoz’s film “Lebanon” (on the first Lebanon war). – There is also a more pragmatic way of looking at this: we have simply not the ecologic and economic resources on this planet to intervene in any non-democratic country and change their regime to one which is liked better – and by whom? shouldn’t it be liked better by the population of that country also?
Neither in the case of Irak nor in the case of Afghanistan the war served a legitimate goal, as mentioned above – in the case of Irak, this was so obvious that the UN refused to support it, despite the overwhelming political influence of the US on the UN’s decisions. In the case of Afghanistan, plans for building a pipeline through Afghanistan to the Indian Ocean to bring oil from Kazakhstan to the world market had existed before September 11, 2001.
The so-called “war on terrorism” was just an ideological pretext. Though the regime of the Taliban was a particularly cruel one, causing large-scale violation of human rights, in particular those of women, children, lawyers, intellectuals, artists, journalists, etc., and though also the Saddam Hussein’s regime was a merciless dictatorship, using gas poising against (part of) his own people, there was no proof or even indication of ongoing genocide, when the decisions in favour of war against Afghanistan and Irak were taken.
The aims were economic and regime-change, because the existing regimes did not support the American economic interests to bring Asian oil to the world market, and as such, they were immoral.
The result of the two wars is known: many victims among the civil population as well as in the military forces of the countries involved in the “mission”, Afghanistan and Irak left in major political instability and poverty, to religious fanatics and to warlords involving in an ongoing civil war in which human rights’ violations are continuing, major ecological damage and the necessary development of our Western economies towards sustainability, thus not relying on exploitation of Asian gas, being hampered.
I also miss the aspect that any military intervention in a third country has to aim at giving back sovereignty to the people of that country, and that there has to be a clear perspective for development towards peace, respect of at least fundamental human rights and a reasonable internal stability and security after the war. Unfortunately, this clear perspective is still absent in both Afghanistan and Irak, though individual development projects may prosper, as long as they are secured by Western troops, like the Dutch troops in Uruzgan, at present.
Dear Anette
I agree with most of what you write down. All the same, there is a consideration that I would like to add:
Your argument about the lack of resources is, at least in my eyes, weak. Consider any police force in any city. Do they have enough resources to tackle all crimes committed? Obviously not. All the same, decisions are make every minute about the deployment of the existent resources. Same with armed interventions: to say that we do not have enough soldiers to attend all conflicts… tells me that we should be interested in the decision making process that decides what to send where.
That being said, the goal of this evaluation is to shed further light in what to do, starting with what we know about what have been done. If you visit this place: http://www.consilium.europa.eu/showPage.aspx?id=268&lang=en you can actually see what are the real armed interventions where the EU participate. I think it is important to start with those, and assess them with our own criteria. Perhaps then we will be able to influence decision making here in a most effective way…